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These PLOs are systematically embedded and developed across the duration of all coursework programs in the Business School. PLOs embody the knowledge, skills and capabilities that are taught, practised and assessed within each Business School program. They articulate what you should know and be able to do upon successful completion of your degree. Upon graduation, you should have a high level of specialised business knowledge and capacity for responsible business thinking, underpinned by ethical professional practice. You should be able to harness, manage and communicate business information effectively and work collaboratively with others. You should be an experienced problem-solver and critical thinker, with a global perspective, cultural competence and the potential for innovative leadership. It is important that you become familiar with the Business School PLOs, as they constitute the framework which informs and business. PLO 1: Business knowledge Students will make informed and effective selection and application of knowledge in a discipline or profession, in the contexts of local and global business. PLO 2: Problem solving Students will define and address business problems, and propose effective evidence-based solutions, through the application of rigorous analysis and critical thinking. PLO 3: Business communication Students will harness, manage and communicate business information effectively using multiple forms of communication across different channels. PLO 4: Teamwork Students will interact and collaborate effectively with others to achieve a common business purpose or fulfil a common business project, and reflect critically on the process and the outcomes. PLO 5: Responsible business practice Students will develop and be committed to responsible business thinking and approaches, which are underpinned by ethical professional practice and sustainability considerations.

Lima, Franco shows how nomadism was typical to the poor populations under the slavocrat system, ref a decisive aspect in terms of weakening social ties. See also Huggins Yet even so their status was unequivocal, albeit defined in negative form: Consequences of the slow transition This process of slowly constructing a free population — which, though not directly involved in the universe of socioeconomic relations defining the hegemonic structure of the Brazilian Colony and Empire, cannot be considered peripheral or superfluous — was decisive in terms of shaping post-slavery Brazil.

However, the big question that drove on the Paulistas was whether the national population could be expropriated. This alternative would require a police force distributed throughout the territory, something which did not exist20, or the hiring of large private militias, unthinkable at a time when all available capital was being channelled towards coffee production. Also see Dean It seemed unthinkable to try to incorporate them into the labour market voluntarily.

Here we can cite a revealing letter from the councillor Paula Souza, transcribed by Florestan Fernandes in his classic text on the integration of blacks into class society Fernandes, The councillor, who had quickly learnt how the free labour market functioned, knew that hunger was the best antidote for any atavistic slothful tendencies For many centuries the rational, legal and theological justification for the captivity of African blacks was their indelible impurity, their barbarous, pagan and thus heretical customs, their inferiority, opacity and frightening alterity In this aspect — and this only — the New World slave had the same status as the Greek or Roman 22 In the words of one foreign observer already in the 20th century: In the ancient world, however, enslavement derived from a fight in which one of the opponents the winner placed his liberty above all else, while the other the loser desired above all life and was therefore disposed to relinquish his own freedom.

For Hegel, the subjection of the slave, though resulting from the imbalance of forces between the two opponents, had an undeniable aspect of consent insofar as the desire of the weaker rival for life or self- preservation persuaded him to submit to the other rival who wanted freedom, something he could ensure by being stronger Hegel, In modern slavery, the dialectic of slave-based domination cannot be read as anything more than a metaphor.

Clearly the slave defines the master, in the sense that the latter would not be free without the existence of the former. The master is condemned to — or is a slave to — his slave. But here the immanence of the process ceases for at least three reasons. The slave was captured in a distant land by an intermediary with whom the future owner related through the mediation of the market.

The trader or his future overseer is nothing more than raw violence, immediately dehumanizing both agents, master and slave. Here too the Hegelian dialectic of consensual subordination cannot be read as anything more than a metaphor. The modern slave does not choose life, since slavery is simply a death sentence, albeit one carried out over a longer period than those who end up on the gallows.

As Schwartz demonstrated, a Bahian slave who survived ten years on a farm with forty slaves would see the entire cohort die out, not infrequently through suicide, and be replaced Schwartz, The master needed the collective slave, but could do without the person of each slave in particular.

Here is revealed the tyrannical form of slavocratic domination in the New World and especially in Brazil where slavery was especially bloody and predatory: If he believed that a slave posed a threat to him, he could order his feet to be cut off, blind him, have him lashed or kill him. In Brazil slavery meant not just the negation of the slave as a person his objectification but his negation as a living being. Here we are talking about centuries of horror during which slavery, ruining the black bodies of the captives and corrupting the minds of their owners, needed to be re-imposed day after day with an ever renewed violence, continually annulling one of the poles of the Hegelian dialectic, which therefore needed to be constantly replaced.

In the end only his colour remained, definitively associated with hard and degrading labour.


Finally, the Hegelian metaphor fails to take into account that the search for black Africans as an enslaved workforce was already predicated on the idea that they were not human. In this sense, black people were not turned into things by slavery.

The Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch, British and French already saw Africans as barbaric beings from the outset, slaves to necessity and thus objects, their individuality completely opaque. Alencastro, , especially chap. The image of work and the worker consolidated during slavery was produced, therefore, from the overlapping hierarchies of colour, social status associated with property, and material and symbolic domination in a mixture of meanings that converged on the perception of manual labour as something degrading More emphatically, the work ethic derived from slavery was an ethic of devaluing work, and rescuing it from the lingering traces of impurity and degradation would take many more decades Nabuco For this population, almost all of which had emerged from slavery, freely declining the kind of work forced on slaves increased the distance between themselves and the latter.

The same phenomenon occurred in Brazil at the beginning of the 20th century, as shown, among others, by Moraes Filho , Dias , Fausto , and Hall and Pinheiro , vol. In fact the process of consolidating the forces of repression and administering justice in colonial Brazil and well into the 19th century granted considerable leeway to powerful local figures to suppress and punish acts considered deviant.

Both Oliveira Vianna and Gilberto Freyre called attention to this problem. In the patriarchal Brazilian system, the owner of a sugar plantation or a large landowner had the power of life and death over his family and slaves. The authors argue that the dispersal of rural estates across the vast national territory, along with their relative autonomy in terms of self-sufficiency, made any attempt at coordinating a centralized police force extremely difficult. This delegation of power was how the latter made itself present across the imperial territory, thereby granting huge autonomy and decision-making powers to powerful landowners Costa, At least until the s the owner had no need to prove that his captive had committed an offence: According to Holloway, in Rio de Janeiro at the start of the 19th century, 30 Cf.

See also Carvalho The police grew accustomed to treating slaves and the free lower classes in similar ways, and as the proportion of slaves in the population declined after mid-century, the attitudes and practices of the system of repression were transferred smoothly to the nonslave lower classes, and persisted Holloway, True, the working classes have been seen as dangerous throughout the world and during various moments of Western history Chevalier [].

The massacre in Peterloo, Manchester, in Thompson, , vol. Petersburg in are all examples of the exorbitant action of the forces of law and order in repressing movements with very often peaceful intentions as in the case of Peterloo and St. Also see Pinto On the Bahian case, see Fraga Filho In Brazil the view of the slave as a potential collective enemy worsened in the imagination of the elites after the Haitian revolution of , which freed the country from the French colonizers by massacring them cruelly.

The ferocity of the punishments inflicted on captives in Brazil may have stemmed in part from this consummate fear33, incited more by imaginary threats than real ones. During the Vaccine Revolt of in Rio de Janeiro, the state repression largely reproduced the pattern of the exacerbated knee-jerk responses instilled in the dominant classes decades earlier by the fear of a slave rebellion.

Only the leaders were tried, very often members of the elite. The rest were simply placed in ships and banished to some remote point. In the case of the revolt, we are talking about hundreds of people exiled without trial or any production of proof. In 35 Cf. Carvalho Also see Sevcenko ; Pinheiro ; Bretas ; Misse The fear, then as now, was fear of the unknown, of that which could not be controlled or dominated because it was not submitted to the traditional forms of domination. This was the fear of the opaque other, anonymous, containable only through brutal and indiscriminate repression This viewpoint announces the fourth consequence of the slow transition to free labour: Fausto, Freyre attributed the structural benevolence of the Brazilian slave owner to the charitableness of Portuguese Catholicism and the Moorish or Arabian influence on the way in which the colonial family was organized, contrasting these with the American slavocrats, for example This image was contested from birth by abolitionists of various kinds as an anti-abolitionist propaganda of the Empire 39 Frank Tannenbaum, in his classic Slave and citizen Boston: In other words, neither was slavery benign, nor were the slaves peaceful or submissive, but, as far as the dominant ideology was concerned, passivity was the most common description applied.

In this view, 41 See Versiani The foreigner with socialist or anarchist ideas became an even more dangerous other than the slave since he could contaminate hearts and minds with ideas capable of transforming the very structure of traditional domination. The slave was feared for his difference and above all his opacity, which provoked the fear of a black uprising capable of ending civilization.

The fear of the European socialists and anarchists went further. They did not want the end of civilization, but a model of civilization that included them in a non-subordinate or egalitarian form. Their proselytism could show the peaceful and orderly Brazilians that their position in the social hierarchy was unjust and that the system was therefore illegitimate. It could transform the people into the internal enemy formerly represented by the slave in the minds of the elites.

This led, then, to the transposition of the symbolic imagery surrounding slavery to the capitalist order: The fear of collective action from the people, incited by alien elements immigrants , is the functional equivalent of the fear of the slave rebellion.

Instead it acquired new forms and new meanings43, among which anti-communism was perhaps the most important, as Motta suggests Motta This situation led Maria Sylvia de Carvalho Franco to develop an ingenious argument to explain the violent nature of the sociability among free men under the slavery regime.

The author continues in a lengthy but crucial passage: Without ties, simple, [the rural groups] belonged nowhere and blended in everywhere. It was also this same marginalization that kept the social system simple, ordaining basic functions beyond the confines of the group. Here it is worth us recalling that the soldier, priest and public authority were always associated with institutions alien to the rural world.

The staggering poverty of the culture derives from the same source. It suffices to point 43 Cf. Two aspects of this argument interest me. In this sense, slavery generated a paradox: Although this alternative remained at the most basic subsistence level, it was accepted as natural given the overall poverty of the society. But this did not happen in the other provinces of the Empire, where the socioeconomic conditions remained much the same over a long period, passing on to future generations the low levels of aspiration, confronted each step of the way by scarcity and poverty, which severely restricted the horizon of possibilities of the entire social order.

The end of slavery failed to change this framework: This means that the revolutionary nature of capitalism had to converge with a social order that was highly rigid in terms of its practices and its symbolic imagery — much more rigid than the traditional literature on the subject was willing to recognize. This rigidity was manifested in the disqualification of the black and national population as workers capable of undertaking capitalist work; in the perception of manual labour as a degrading activity, conceivable only for degraded beings; in the fortification of the economic elite in their positions of power, fearful of the dispossessed and unarmed majority, seen as potential enemies and treated with excessive violence whenever they asserted themselves in public; in the persistence of a structure of domination that reduced to the bare minimum the financial expectations of the poorest in a context where generalized poverty was the parameter for everyone.

In sum, capitalist sociability had to engage with a profoundly anti-liberal order in terms of its practices and worldviews47 and with an ethic of devaluing work that for a long time prevented recognition of workers as subjects with rights — that is, as citizens See Gomes In Chapter II I will analyse this in depth. In the Gini coefficient, one of the possible measures of inequality in income distribution, may have been 0. In , another fifty or so years later, the number was the same: And in the coefficient was 0.

This disconcerting and long-lasting dance of the numbers counsels caution to those who study the subject in search of a clear causality restricted to recent events. Over the past years Brazil has transitioned from a slave agrarian economy to one of the most important industrialized societies in the world.

This structural shift did not lead to a more egalitarian society — or even to a society in which most people were no longer poor or restricted in their freedom by social exclusion and poverty —, as one would expect from similar modernizing processes. The Brazilian sociology of work will be used here as an initial tool of interpretation.

Thus, the closer the coefficient is to 1, the more concentrated the total distribution of income is for a given population. It has already been demonstrated that in countries with high income inequality Gini is not the best measure, since it does not capture the extremeness of the distribution. Moreover, the coefficient is a very limited measure of inequality since this can manifest itself in multiple dimensions that go beyond income. The objective here is only to show that it has always been very unequal in Brazil, and that the pattern of inequality is persistent over time.

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The and numbers are available at http: I suggest that if read in an unbiased way and in consonance with the findings of the most recent historiography produced in the country, this interpretative corpus has great explanatory power for the dynamics of Brazilian inequality, far beyond that envisaged by its original authors.

Nevertheless, the establishment of social and labour legislation fully changed the relationship of the Brazilian state with its people. From Vargas onwards, Brazilians discovered that it was worth fighting for the effectiveness of the state as a judicial system that promised them protection and social welfare. It was capable of competing very favourably for hearts and minds with other promises such as the socialist or communist ones , because it was embodied in institutions and in the state judicial system, especially in its capacity to legitimately curb dissent.

It was based on research carried out in and published in a book edited by B. Hutchinson in called Mobility and Work. The article was reprinted in in a watershed book: Industrial Society in Brazil. It is not hard to determine the impact of this article, and afterwards of the book, on the interpretation of the social world of work in Brazil, since much Brazilian literature of the s and s used it in one way or another as a reference.

In what follows, I will retrieve this tradition in order to propose a more general reflection on the inclusion of workers in the dynamics of Brazilian capitalism.

In the aforementioned text, Lopes adheres to the Weberian tradition as interpreted by Parsons in the United States and does a classic study of social change. He is interested in the behavioural adaptations required of rural migrant workers who transfer to industrial work.

It is a process which generally blends social and geographical mobility. Therefore, it has an enormous capacity to affect the whole life of the people involved. Lopes works with a solid set of assumptions, although they are not always explicit in his text.

He believed Brazil was on the cusp of becoming an industrial society. Hence, it was essential for sociology to comprehend the mechanisms of this transformation, especially its impact on wage-earners in the cities or in the countryside.

His explanatory framework was simple and elegant, just like the theories of modernization. This society is a counterpoint to the one in which the free market is the nucleus of the social and economic systems. The economic system is open, since each person seeks his own fulfilment, in contrast to the relative inwardness of traditional society; market price, not social norms, is the main factor coordinating these actions.

Thus, the research problem is already outlined: This leads to a problem in adapting expectations and patterns of behaviour, a problem characteristic of the beginnings of industrialization in Brazil and of the process of development of its working class.

Quotes will have only the page number. Their dream was to make some money and return to the countryside, where they had left their families. But he then offers an interesting piece of evidence, from which he himself does not draw the obvious conclusions, but which would have a lasting impact on future Brazilian sociology.

Lopes sees this discourse as the supreme expression of the unadaptedness of the recently migrated rural worker to industrial society. And to this lack of adaptation he attributes the difficulty or rather, the impossibility of forming typical working class solidarity, such as developed in the classical model of industrial capitalism.

And since this consciousness closely links individual mobility and the collective development of the country, the result is the legitimation of society as a whole, which consequently becomes protected against a revolutionary uprising. Touraine adds other important arguments that are also taken on board by the subsequent debate, such as the idea that in Brazil urbanization preceded industrialization, and therefore industry was not the main destination of the rural masses.

Moreover, this process led to the marginalization and poverty of large segments of workers, not to mention inequality and competition for the few vacancies in industry, contributing to the preservation of low wages, etc. These studies by Lopes and Touraine strongly influenced subsequent research, although perhaps in ways not anticipated by the authors. In his opinion, rural workers left the countryside mostly to escape destitution, not to strive for social mobility Cardoso, Brazilian historiography would demolish these arguments in the s.

Since the foundational study of Paoli et al. According to this interpretation, the working class in Brazil would be negatively defined by former studies: It is impossible not to agree with this criticism. However, it seems that it should not be taken too far. In my opinion the aforementioned studies, although carrying the mark of inauthenticity identified by later studies, do bring elements that, when read through a different prism, reflect what actually happened in Brazil after I suggest this is a powerful idea if read from a different perspective i.

This is what we shall see below. His production is not vast, but it is very solid, especially the part devoted to advertising the accomplishments of the Revolution. For Oliveira Vianna, the social achievements of Vargas had a corrective or purgative aspect in relation to the ills of a civilization which, through the hostile nature of the vast territory in which it flourished, had been consolidated without a frame or mechanisms which could foster social solidarity.

In fact, Oliveira Vianna evaluates the Vargas government, of which he was also a part, through the prism of his own interpretation of Brazil as presented in seminal works such as Brazilian Political Institutions and especially Southern Populations of Brazil. According to this interpretation, until the people had been forgotten by the civilizing institutions.


They had been abandoned to their own fate in an environment hostile to collective life, which forced them into an individual and submissive relationship to the private power of local caudilhos, masters of the scarce material and symbolic resources of community life. The man without land, slaves, henchmen, wealth or prestige, feels that he is practically an outlaw.

He has no support. Everything tends to make him historically disenchanted, an enduring unbeliever in his personal capacity to assert himself. This inner conviction of weakness, abandonment and incapacity is rooted in his consciousness with the depth and tenacity of instinct. The eloquence of the formulation should not leave any doubts: But why did these abandoned people yield to local strongmen?

The obvious consequence is that one should not have expected violent movements for the improvement of their own living conditions of life chances. Among Brazilians, despite its generally beneficial effects in creating social solidarity when resulting from a social dynamic different from the Brazilian one, those seeking to mobilise class struggle did not find fertile ground8.

These conflicts are extremely rare in our history [ Having been excluded from the enjoyment of civilizational benefits, workers were included in three ways under Vargas: However, it is important to point out that this an extremely short period of time. They are not, therefore, promoters of solidarity. The author has no doubt: It also boosted the progressive improvement and dignity of the working classes in a capitalist society.

He recognizes that social security is insufficient for subsistence, that medical and ambulance services are not up to what was promised, that the popular housing program for workers was hampered by credit problems, etc.

Oliveira Vianna does not resign himself to the scarcity of resources in Brazil, which had led to the development of institutions incapable of fulfilling their promises, considering the huge needs of the people that the state wanted to elevate to citizenship. The legal design of these institutions was fair in itself, and its efficacy would be evident in the future, so workers should be patient.

Vargas, especially during his dictatorship, was always conscious of the civilizational aspect of the labour legislation he had set up, but understood its limits in a country like Brazil more clearly than Oliveira Vianna. The benefits you have acquired should be extended to rural workers, to those secluded in the remote interior who are far away from the advantages of civilization.


As one can see, Vargas had a clear idea of the structural demands facing his civilizational project.

Most were willing to depart at the slightest sign that life might be better somewhere else. It would not be possible to have the rural population settled if the benefits of civilization ushered in by the Revolution in the cities were not extended to them.

Furthermore, a strong rural world would form the domestic market for the emerging industrial output, and therefore the project could only be the colonization of siteia.

Unable to confront the problem of land ownership in a country still hostage to agrarian oligarchies another important restriction on his transformative project , Vargas thought the expansion of the agricultural frontier, the occupation of siteia and of uninhabited land subject to public policies of settlement was the only alternative9.

Hence, it was necessary to establish policies that did not affect the consolidated agrarian structure of the rest 9 In an example that this might actually be possible, Japan invaded Malaysia in , to where siteian rubber tree seeds had been pirated at the end of the 19th century, ending the Brazilian monopoly in latex. See Silva In fact, his impotence in relation to the inexorable and uncontrollable population dynamics had for some time been a worry for Vargas.

In a speech in the state of Bahia on August 11th, , when analysing the consequences of the end of slavery for those directly affected, Vargas said that in the caatinga semi-arid Northeast region poor rural people were subject to the climate and the shortage of resources.

They languish in an uprooted way, sometimes nomadically, living day by day, subjugated to the rapaciousness of the new masters who exploit their crude work as if they were backward serfs. This disorganization has been exacerbated by the exodus of people from the countryside, attracted by the illusory ease in finding plentiful and well-paid jobs, to the intense life of the urban centres.

The urban proletariat has increased disproportionately, leading to pauperism and all the ills resulting from the surplus of activities without permanent occupations , vol. In , this task was still only a promise, and would remain that way for the following decades. In addition, Vargas was not ignorant of the material difficulties of the state he inherited from the First Republic, despite the recurring apologetic for his own work of state- building.

He was telling the truth, since tax collection had in fact almost doubled in Brazilian currency; but he was not telling the whole truth if one allowed for inflation and considered the number of people he wished to promote through his social policies.

In this new context, federal per capita tax collection had been 0. Although tax collection had increased in ten years, so had the population, and at high growth rates. Whichever way one looks at it, by putting social issues at the forefront of his political project even in the face of multifarious structural impositions, Vargas and his allies, especially the tenentes to whom this issue had been dear since their first movements12, did not invent state regulation centred on social rights detached from reality, as proposed for example by John French in works published in and In fact, it was perfectly in tune with the apparent threat of pauperism that the rural exodus was provoking in the big cities.

Excluding domestic servants, It was these questions that Vargas thought he was responding to when he proposed his legal structure of social protection. However, since the transforming 12 As described in Tavares de Almeida and Gomes See IBGE for data on the population.

This task fell, to a large extent, to workers themselves, not only individually through labour courts or in small-scale resistance in the day-to-day life of companies, but also through their representative institutions, that is, the trade unions shaped by Vargas himself Literature on that is already very considerable and, even though there is much controversy over its significance, that is not so much in terms of its content I would only point out the plausibility of a particular interpretation of this legislation in the area of social protection.

This framework is important to what I am proposing here, not so much for its real or supposed effectiveness but for the meaning it acquired in the broader social dynamic.

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Later on we will see that, although relevant in itself, the discussion about the myth of the gift is disconnected to the central argument of this chapter. Differences of opinion in regard to content usually refer to the regulations which this or that author includes or leaves out in the legal framework of Varguista social protection. The intention is to show that it was a promise of social inclusion of the masses formerly disregarded in the process of development of the nation.

It was a promise with a huge impact on the projects, hopes, expectations and customs of the working people. It had long-lasting consequences for capitalist sociability in general and for the reproduction of inequalities over time. It encapsulates an enormous number of meanings in what is, at the same time, a strong and simple idea.

By regulated citizenship I mean the concept of citizenship rooted in a system of occupational stratification, not in a code of political values. Furthermore, this system of occupational stratification is defined by law.

Put differently, citizens are those community members who are in any of the occupations recognized and defined by law. Citizenship is inserted in the profession and the rights of citizens are restricted to the legally recognized rights they occupy in the productive process. All of those whose occupations are not recognized by law consequently become pre-citizens [ The carteira de trabalho [occupational history record] is the legal instrument that proves that there is a contract between the state and the regulated citizenship.

As a matter of fact, it becomes more than evidence of having a job, it is a civic birth certificate Santos, What I propose is the following: Instead, it begins to indicate a porous and fluid system whose entry door opened and closed many times throughout the paths of those who applied for it. Inclusion in the world of rights could be short-lived, and so could exclusion.

Thus, exclusion may be temporary, that is, citizenship becomes a possibility for these pre-citizens. The argument here is the complete opposite of this simplification. To begin with, Brazilians almost never had legal identification. This was partly because of the circumstances of life for a significant part of the rural population, almost always far from the urban centres where registration was carried out. But it had partly to do with pure and simple resistance.

This came from the hardly unrealistic idea that the state was an enemy of the people, trying to control them, enrol them in the army, enslave them, vaccinate them, sanitize them, or simply persecute them in an arbitrary manner Nevertheless, to obtain a carteira de trabalho or any other document, as well as enrolling children in public schools for decades these would continue to be incapable of offering enough places or obtaining access to health care, registration was obligatory.

Hence, obtaining a birth certificate was the first step in an always strenuous path to acquiring legal rights. This also explains the resistance to the census and taxation in rural communities and sanitation policies in the cities. For census and taxes, see Queiroz I analyze sanitary measures in Cardoso There is no reason to suppose that the situation would be better in the remaining urban centres of the country.

As Fischer demonstrated, workers needed to give a complete set of data to the National Department of Labour, including marital status, education, occupation, address, name of parents, as well as a photograph.

Names, activities, and dates of birth of all dependents were also required, as well as any unions of which the worker was a member. Thus far, this was theoretically simple information to provide, were it not for the fact that everything had to be proved by documents or by two witnesses who had a carteira de trabalho.

Workers with precarious job statuses, an erratic work history that could not be confirmed by documentation or irregular domestic arrangements for example, a man with a common-law partner or a single mother knew beforehand that the document would be hard to obtain and in any case would be unlikely to benefit them by being a passport to a formal job because it would record past irregularities.

But there was more. If male, the candidate needed to prove that he was up-to-date with his military service. Illiterate candidates needed three witnesses, one of whom had to be willing to sign the paperwork that constituted the application form. Certificates or letters from employers proving their professional skills or, once again, two witnesses 19 In Rios and Mattos we find many testimonies of descendants of slaves who had no formal birth certificate.

This lack was common in quilombola communities Gomes, and in communities of Northeastern migrants in cities in the Southeast Perlman, ; Durham, Finally, the carteira cost five cruzeiros, an excessive amount for the unemployed and for workers who earned a minimum wage or less ibidem: It was not the state who seemed to impose bureaucratic obstacles to poor and illiterate workers. It seemed that workers were not up to the norms of the state as creator of a new citizenship where none had existed, according to its own ideology.

He had a profession and was granted social rights because his profession was regulated by the state That is why, from its own point of view, the state was not creating a privileged sector.

And, obviously, as long as there were regulated jobs for all. But jobs were just one of many aspects of the Varguista project of inclusion of citizens. Not only did the legal order appear to be possible to Brazilians, it also legitimated the struggle for its effectiveness. Before , the struggle for social and labour rights was hampered by the liberal Constitution of Any measure limiting the freedom of contract between free and equal people was seen as unconstitutional, and the demand for worker protection was simply considered subversive.

Therefore, the social question itself was unconstitutional. Under Vargas, on 21 Alexandre Marcondes Filho, Minister of Labour in the last years of the Estado Novo, was one of the main people responsible for the consolidation of the myth of Vargas gifting rights, with his ten-minute weekly radio chat on Hora do Brasil.

The more than lectures given between and were analyzed by Gomes According to Oliveira Vianna, unlike the classical model of state development, a worker did not need to struggle for his rights. Finding the means to be entitled to benefits, means granted by the state itself, was enough for him. And, importantly, if even then the employer refused to follow the law, the worker could resort to the state to secure its enforcement. This means that, notwithstanding the apologetic discourse of justification of the Varguista regime, social and labour legislation ended up establishing a legitimate field of dispute for its own embodiment in the environment in which it occurred, whose source of legitimation was the state itself.

In addition to this, the horizon for the struggle for legal rights legitimately became the horizon for class struggle in the country. Martins Rodrigues is an advocate of the school of thought which holds that the workers, in their political and labour struggles, would never conquer what Vargas established through law, especially considering its ordering and extent. Weffort is among the many who do not agree with this. This reveals the more profound meaning of the category of pre-citizen, a necessary complement to the concept proposed by Santos: Finally, this struggle was not equally accessible to all.

So much so that these legal rights were not made universal, nor given the embodiment its ideologues and later on the workers themselves organized or not intended it to have. But it is of the essence of social and labour rights to delimit those who receive entitlements under their regulations For example, unemployment benefits make no sense to the owners of the means of production, children, or upon by Vargas, who emerged as the generous father of the historical demands of the labour movement.

More recently, Ferreira and his colleagues have tried to recover the idea that Vargas actually introduced something new in the concession of social rights. French tries to put an end to the controversy. Although I find it relevant, this debate is disconnected from the central argument of this chapter. The same goes for paid weekly rest.

Everywhere in the world, retirement only belatedly included those that were not wage earners This is the meaning of pre-citizen in Varguista citizenship: Brazilian citizenship was regulated because for the most part it remained a possibility.

More appropriately, I argue that it remained as a promise of inclusion that became worth fighting for. Most people led extremely vulnerable lives, no matter whether they lived in the agrarian world, in rural neighbourhoods, or in villages and small towns, in the periphery of big cities or in their central areas; and they were thus prone to seek minimum conditions of survival somewhere else every time their current life became unbearable.

The bibliography on migration in Brazil invariably indicates that natural catastrophes, short-lived or structural hunger, or even the routine or violent disintegration of traditional ways of life did not represent special 25 See Rosenvallon , Titmuss , and Castel At best, they hastened or anticipated movements that would occur anyway. Geographical mobility was always a distinguishing mark of this vulnerable population27, who sought their means of survival in a social climate characterized by huge restrictions on their actual aspirations, projects, and possibilities, notwithstanding important regional differences.

At some point in the 5th Brazilian century, the urban world began to exert an irresistible gravitational force over this population, leading to an overwhelming movement of people and families to the cities in a very short period of time. This has also been studied before, but it is necessary to give an idea of the numbers involved for the correct comprehension of the issue at hand.

That is, one in every four country dwellers sought out the cities during the decade. There is a short review in Hasenbalg For the inheritance mechanisms as a regular source of expelling sons of small landowners, see Willems and Moura In the 16th and 17th centuries, nomadic rural populations were strongly contested in Europe, as shown in Castel Also see Thompson It is impossible to argue counterfactually that those leaving the rural areas or villages of Brazil would not have sought the cities if the labour market had not been so ordered and regulated in them, making them attractive and fuelling the collective utopia of social and labour rights.

The difficulty with arguments of this nature is that the millions of poor and destitute who inhabited the countryside throughout the centuries did so merely because that was the horizon of their lives.

That is, there was no alternative for them except to choose between one farm boss and another. It is reasonable to suppose that people in this situation would have preferred to migrate to the cities as soon as they envisaged a way out from their destitution, in the same way that hundreds of thousands left the Northeast for the site in the two big rubber cycles, and in the same way that they returned to their region, also in their hundreds of thousands, following the end of these cycles or as a reaction to improving conditions in their home regions The attraction of the city would not be different from the attraction of the siteian El Dorado.

But there is strong evidence in favour of the attractiveness of social rights. We begin with the lament of an employee of the Department of Immigration, who studied cases of immigrants who passed through the Workers Orientation Service in Rio de 28 Between and , Minas Gerais was the state with the most net internal emigration 1. See Villela and Suzigan []: This number corresponds to the number of foreign immigrants entering Brazil between and See Maram Overall, 5. The irresistible force of the city is explained by him in the following terms: He receives a letter from his single godfather in Rio, revealing the following: He also mentioned working hours and rest, central aspects of labour market regulation.

The promises of social rights especially the minimum wage , as well as access to public services such as education and health always appreciated by the poor , seem to have attracted not only the wandering populations from the countryside but also many of those who had once been subjected to the traditional patterns of domination which were, at the same time, actual, albeit subordinate means of socioeconomic security and who in other circumstances might have remained where they were.

This led to profound changes in relation to how far they would accept their traditional destitution and subordination Poor shanty dwellers preferred a carteira de trabalho to an identity card, even though having it did not guarantee them access to the formal labour market.

At best it was only the symbol of a promise.

But it seems plausible to assume that this reason was present for a considerable number of workers who, when searching for better jobs, brought with them their carteira de trabalho Sparse but just as robust evidence such as this fills the abundant literature on rural-urban migration in Brazil and on the consolidation of the urban world.

But it is frequently invisible to the researchers themselves. So let us return to the work of Lopes However, indications are that most workers, whether currently employed or not, had achieved entitlement to a formal job if any such job showed up. That is what Graph A suggests. It presents the growth curves of the urban economically active population — EAP — or workers of ten or more years that were in a job or looking for one , the number of carteiras de trabalho issued, and the number of contributors to social security between and Contribution to social security, in the absence of more accurate indicators, is considered here an approximate measure of the proportion of workers participating in the regulated sector of the economy.

The numbers in the graph show the addition of new members of the EAP, those with carteiras and those with social security in each period. The numbers are significant. In , the urban EAP was made up of a little more than 5 million people. Between and , the urban EAP gained another 1. Nevertheless, the Ministry of Labour issued 2. This seems to be a strong indication that the workers believed in the possibility of their inclusion into the consolidating formal market, since they qualified for this that is, they got their carteiras in a superior proportion to the jobs created as measured here by the urban EAP.

Moreover, the number of holders of carteiras was far superior to the regulatory capacity of the social security system, i. It seems that the belief in the promise of legal rights must be among the explanations for the always higher number of qualifications 32 Prorural was created this year. It was a retirement program for rural workers. In , domestic servants were included in the system; and in self- employed workers.

See Santos This dynamic would accelerate in the following decades. There were 2. In this context, the first number 2. Evolution of urban EAP, number of work books carteiras de trabalho issued by the Ministry of Labour and number of contributors to social security: Brazil, Sources: Data was compared with those from IBGE and may present small differences that do not influence the general trend. It should be noted that, although the promises of protection suffered a substantial discount rate, it seems undeniable that registered jobs in Brazil represented, to growing segments of urban workers and, it seems, to segments of rural workers too35 , a normative reference point for the shaping of individual and collective expectations in terms of what could 35 Rios and Mattos Although it never became universal, the formal market structured a set of social and economic relations that occurred outside it.

The reason was that urban wage earners expected sooner or later to become a part of it. This expectation was in fact achieved now and again during the working lives of men and women, because of the always high rates of turnover in the Brazilian urban economy, especially in the less skilled occupations In regard to this, some occupational trajectories of the migrants studied by Lopes in another ground-breaking study are extraordinary One person was a factory worker for a year and a half, returned to his smallholding for 21 days, became a store salesman for a year, and once again worked in a factory for four years.

Another washed buses for three months, was a factory worker for eight years, worked on a farm for two more, then again in a factory for two months, and once again in a factory for two years. These erratic trajectories are perfect examples of the socioeconomic periodization of citizenship has two founding moments in the memory of slave descendents: They were subjected to market dynamics entirely beyond their control, since the lack of any specialization reduced their bargaining power in an extremely saturated market The important thing here is that the regular passage, although short-lived, through a formal and protected job ended up leading to expectations of equal retribution in the informal wage-earning market, and this at times occurred And it seems that workers believed that the formal labour market would welcome them again at some point in their working lives As an example, take the setting of the minimum wage, advertised by the Estado Novo as one of the main instruments of elevation.

The wage was defined by presidential decree no. See also Chapter 5 in this volume. For a good review, see Ulyssea Lopes and Sigaud are classic studies on the importance of legal rights in the shaping of the social identities of sugar cane and sugar mill workers in Pernambuco. The presidential decree no. This was the largest amount in the country. Rental for housing for this family would require 2. But this shows the downloading power of the income decreed by Vargas and divulged with great fanfare in the Labour Day celebrations of It also shows the tolerance of social inequality inherent in the minimum wage legislation: Since the minimum wage came into effect in July , the cost of living for this same family had changed in relation to , but not to the point of qualitatively changing the amount.

Even so, for certain sectors of the urban economy, setting the minimum wage may have represented income gains. They were obviously dependent on their effective endorsement by employers, which is problematic in a state that has historically had meagre resources to enforce labour legislation Erickson In modern industries the amount was higher: Thus, some industries exceeded the average wage effectively paid out in , but not in the emerging and most dynamic sectors But this detachment, contrary to what one would expect in sectors with a scarce and specialized workforce, did not go in the direction of higher wages.

The average wage paid in manufacturing in these two places in July of that same year be an underestimate, since according to data from IBGE There were 1. This should be considered as the approximate size of the formal sector of the economy regulated by the state.

Data on social security contributors come from the same source of Graph 1. The total wage paid to production workers that year was divided by the people with jobs and divided by Tavares de Almeida The new minimum was similar to what manufacturing already paid out in average terms, and may have forced an increase of lower wages towards the new level set in these two regions. However, it is hard to demonstrate that with the available evidence Even so, it is highly unlikely that this increase occurred in the other states of the federation, since in all of them workers earned on average, in December of , less than the state had determined as the subsistence wage, which in turn was set at a lower level than the real needs of a typical working-class family Vargas would not increase the minimum wage again during the Estado Novo, and the Dutra administration simply did not follow the legislation that obliged a three year review of its level which should have been in December of The consequence was a new detachment of average wages for factory workers from the artificially low amount that had been set.

See also Tavares de Almeida The same author disagrees with Francisco de Oliveira over the effects of the minimum wage on industrial wages, maintaining that there were benefits for workers with lower wages, while Oliveira believes the minimum lowered higher wages, cautioning that average wages in industry, analysed by IAPI, were overestimated. Therefore, they were even lower than the figures transcribed here. In , an average wage for a worker was cruzeiros per month, for a minimum wage frozen at cruzeiros in the Federal District In spite of the enormous repression and intervention in almost all trade unions identified with Vargas or controlled by the communists Gomes, , manufacturing workers seem to have been able to partly recover their inflationary losses during the period However, this source overestimates the actual amount paid to production workers, since it also includes administrative staff.

IBGE allows a separation of workers from other occupations. And the author added that: The remainder of the wages that are above the minimum wage are based on the minimum as a reference point and never take into account the productivity of each industrial sector as a parameter which, set against any specific scarcity, would serve to set the cost of the workforce.

The establishment of a minimum wage reinforces on a company level the global mediation that it performs in the economy as a whole: In , This result can 57 Data in Souza It is income from work, as declared by people in demographic censuses.

However, it underestimates the real distribution of wealth, which is certainly more concentrated than this. See Barros et alii. Conclusion It is true that the minimum wage has almost always been a simple promise of subsistence income. For a significant part of its history, it has been below this level and most workers were paid below the level set by the state. But this did not nullify its civilizing aspect, since workers were told that they had the right to a fair income.

Therefore, they should fight for it, even if the state, for political or economic reasons, abstained from keeping the downloading power of the wage it had unilaterally set. See for instance Medeiros et al. For the subordinate ones it seemed impossible to aspire to the position of the powerful, simply because it seemed too far away. It appears to where the species was registered is the favour dense vines as habitats Anderson Urucum mountains, in the vicinity of the ; Emmons ; Eisenberg and Redford Santa Cruz hill coordinates: ; Voss et al.

Urucum is covered requirements of the species, the region being mainly by semideciduous forests IBGE ; covered by dry, seasonal forests point 1, Fig.

Pott et al. Connection of this newly surveyed popu- River, at its right margin. The species was lation with other populations in Bolivia is trapped in pitfalls l at three different probable, but as yet there is no data for this mountainous altitudes , and m , supposition. An evidence, however, is the during monthly surveys during and concomitant report of M. During these surveys, 15 M. Seven individuals plex Rossi et al.

In this locality, the were males and eight were females. Their species was trapped in semideciduous forests body mass averaged The speci- Distributional data of small mammals for mens were deposited in the Museu de eastern Bolivia Anderson ; Voss et al. Published by Elsevier GmbH. All rights reserved.

Distribution of the slender mouse opossum, Marmosops ocellatus, in Bolivia and in western Brazil. Continuous lines indicate rivers and stippled lines indicate limits of countries.

Seasonal forests are indicated by light shading, and the Pantanal by dark shading. Numbers indicate new 1, 2, 3 and previous following Voss et al. Emmons et al. Such absence of collection for this mammal distribution.

Voss et al. Its southern-most locality the Brazilian border with known records of previously known was in south-eastern Boli- M.

Therefore, this report extends the extended for the genus Mustrangi and distributional area 90 km southward from the Patton ; Fernandez and Pires If previous south-most limit.

The eastern-most the Paraguay River is the oriental limit of M.

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